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CLASSICAL LIBERALISM
Sociology Index, Sociology Books 2012, Left Realism, Neo-conservatism,
Classical Liberalism, Capitalism,
Liberalism
Classical liberalism or progressive liberalism is a political and
economic philosophy emerging along with the growth of capitalism.
The central belief in classical liberalism is that unregulated free
markets are the best means to allocate productive resources and distribute goods and
services and that government intervention should be minimal.
Behind classical liberalism is an assumption about individuals being
rational, self-interested and methodical in the pursuit of their goals.
By the end of the 19th century, the belief in free markets became
moderated in some versions of liberalism to acknowledge the growing conviction that
liberty or freedom for the individual was a hollow promise if the social conditions of
society made liberty meaningless.
Classical liberalism philosophy believed that the state must become
more involved in managing the economy in order to soften the negative effects of market
economies and maximize the well-being of each individual.
This new direction for liberalism is often referred to as
progressive liberalism.
This newer classical liberalism philosophy supported the growth of
the welfare state, but has come under attack in the past two decades.
Libertarianism is also synonymous with classical liberalism.
People who do not use "libertarianism" as a synonym for
anarchism but use it to refer to individualistic free-market philosophy only, refer to
free-market anarchism as "libertarian anarchism."
The word libertarian is an antonym of authoritarian. Till recently the
term "libertarianism" was
often used as a synonym for anarchism.
"The program of liberalism, therefore, if condensed into a single
word, would have to read: property, that is, private ownership of the means of
production... All the other demands of liberalism result from his fundamental
demand."
Liberalism, In The Classical Tradition - Ludwig von Mises
Preface, 1985 - The term "liberalism," from the Latin "liber" meaning
"free," referred originally to the philosophy of freedom. It still retained this
meaning in Europe when this book was written (1927) so that readers who opened its covers
expected an analysis of the freedom philosophy of classical liberalism. Unfortunately,
however, in recent decades, "liberalism" has come to mean something very
different. The word has been taken over, especially in the United States, by philosophical
socialists and used by them to refer to their government intervention and "welfare
state" programs. As one example among many possible ones, former U.S. Senator Joseph
S. Clark, Jr., when he was Mayor of Philadelphia, described the modern "liberal"
position very frankly in these words:
To lay a ghost at the outset and to dismiss semantics, a liberal is here defined as one
who believes in utilizing the full force of government for the advancement of social,
political, and economic justice at the municipal, state, national, and international
levels.... A liberal believes government is a proper tool to use in the development of a
society which attempts to carry Christian principles of conduct into practical effect.
(Atlantic, July 1953, p. 27)
This view of "liberalism" was so prevalent in 1962, when the English translation
of this book appeared, that Mises believed then that to translate literally the original
title, Liberalismus, would be too confusing. So he called the English version The Free and
Prosperous Commonwealth. By the following year, however, Mises had decided that the
advocates of freedom and free markets should not relinquish "liberalism" to the
philosophical socialists. In the Prefaces of both the second (1963) and third (1966)
editions of his magnum opus, Human Action, Mises wrote that the advocates of the freedom
philosophy should reclaim "the term 'liberal'. . . because there is simply no other
term available to signify the great political and intellectual movement" that ushered
in modern civilization by fostering the free market economy, limited government and
individual freedom. It is in this sense that "liberalism" is used throughout
this book.
For the benefit of readers who are not familiar with the works of Ludwig von Mises
(1881-1973), he was for decades the leading spokesman of the "Austrian" school
of economics, so named because Mises as well as his two prominent predecessors?Carl Menger
and Eugen von B?ehm Bawerk?were all Austrian born. The cornerstone of the
"Austrian" school is the subjective value marginal utility theory. This theory
traces all economic phenomena, simple and complex, to the actions of individuals, each
undertaken as a result of personal subjective values. On the basis of this subjective
value theory, Mises explained and analyzed methodology, value, action, prices, markets,
money, monopoly, government intervention, economic booms and busts, etc., making
especially significant contributions in the fields of money and economic calculation.
Mises earned his doctorate from the University of Vienna in 1906. His thesis, The Theory
of Money and Credit, published in German in 1912 and in English in 1934, was the first of
his many theoretical works in economics. During the interwar years, in addition to writing
articles and books, such as the powerful treatise, Socialism, Mises worked full time at
the Austrian Chamber of Commerce as economic adviser to the Austrian government and taught
part time as a Private Dozent (lecturer) at the University of Vienna. He also conducted a
private economics seminar for scholars, many of whom became influential worldwide. In 1926
he established the private Austrian Institute for Business Cycle Research which still
survives.
After Hitler came to power in Germany, Mises anticipated trouble for Austria. So in 1934
he took a position in Switzerland with the Graduate Institute of International Studies.
While there he wrote Nationaloekonomie (1940). Although there were few German readers for
this monumental economic treatise in national socialist Europe, Mises' explanations of
sound economic principles have reached a much wider audience through the English-language
version of Nationaloekonomie, completely rewritten by Mises for American readers under the
title of Human Action. (1st edition, 1949).
To escape Hitler-dominated Europe, Mises and his wife left Switzerland in 1940 and came to
the United States. His reputation had been well established in Europe, but he was little
known in this country. Therefore, he had to begin practically all over again to attract
students and readers. English-language books began to appear from his pen?Omnipotent
Government and Bureaucracy, both in 1944. And then his masterful economic treatise, Human
Action. in 1949. There soon followed Planning for Freedom (1952), The Anti-Capitalistic
Mentality (1952 Theory and History(1957) and The Ultimate Foundations of Economic Science
(1962), all important books in economic theory.
In 1947, Mises was instrumental in founding the international Mont Pelerin Society. He
lectured widely in the U.S. and Latin America and for 24 years he conducted his well known
graduate economic seminar at New York University. He also served as a consultant to the
National Association of Manufacturers and as adviser to the Foundation for Economic
Education.
Mises received many honors throughout the course of his lifetime?honorary doctorates from
Grove City College (1957), New York University (1963), and the University of Freiburg
(1964) in Germany. His accomplishments were recognized in 1956 by his alma mater, the
University of Vienna, when his doctorate was memorialized on its 50th anniversary and
"renewed," a European tradition, and in 1962 by the Austrian government. He was
also cited in 1969 as "Distinguished Fellow" by the American Economic
Association.
Mises' influence continues to spread among thoughtful persons. His most prominent student
from his European days, Nobel Laureate F. A. Hayek, has written: "Mises's influence
now reaches beyond the personal sphere.... The torch which you [Mises] have lighted has
become the guide of a new movement for freedom which is gathering strength every
day." And one of his leading students in the United States, Professor Israel Kirzner
of New York University, has described his impact on modern students: "[T]o the
ferment and sense of excitement now evident in the resurgence of interest in this Austrian
perspective, Mises's contributions have been crucial and decisive."
Mises was always the careful and logical theoretician, but he was not only an ivory tower
theoretician. Driven by the logic of his scientific reasoning to the conclusion that a
liberal society with free markets is the only road to domestic and international peace and
harmony, he felt compelled to apply the economic theories he expounded to government
policy. In Liberalism Mises not only offers brief explanations of many important economic
phenomena, but he also presents, more explicitly than in any of his other books, his views
on government and its very limited but essential role in preserving social cooperation
under which the free market can function. Mises' views still appear fresh and modern and
readers will find his analysis pertinent.
Mises' message, that ideas rule the world, runs as a constant refrain throughout all his
books. But it comes through especially strong in Liberalism. "The ultimate outcome of
the struggle" between liberalism and totalitarianism, he wrote in 1927, "will
not be decided by arms, but by ideas. It is ideas that group men into fighting factions,
that press the weapons into their hands, and that determine against whom and for whom the
weapons shall be used. It is they alone, and not arms, that, in the last analysis, turn
the scales."
In fact, the only hope of keeping the world from plunging still further into international
chaos and conflict is to convince the people to abandon government intervention and adopt
liberal policies. - Preface, 1985, Bettina Bien Greaves, Foundation for Economic
Education, Inc.
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