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RELIGIOUS RIGHT

Sociologyindex, Sociology Books 2012, Religious right, Classical Liberalism

'Religious right' is found frequently in the United States (where its influence is chiefly located in the Reform Party).

'Religious right' refers to groups or individuals who combine the economic conservatism of classical liberalism

  • beliefs in free market economies,

  • small government,

  • autonomy of the individual

with the socially conservative views of many fundamentalist religions, eg:

  • against abortion,

  • intolerant of homosexuality,

  • non-supportive of single parent mothers,

  • propose censorship of children's reading material,

  • recommend reducing rights of criminal offenders, etc.

Since these 'religious right' groups support an economic doctrine which is gaining wide acceptance they are able to move into positions of power and influence and their social views are giving shape to many aspects of life.

Ideology and Educational Policy: An Analysis of the Religious Right 
Benjamin Baez, V. Darleen Opfer 
This article argues that the characterization of the Religious Right as irrational does damage to progressive educational policy because it obscures the Religious Right's effectiveness in influencing educational policy and is counterproductive for resistance practices. The authors discuss briefly the common views of the Religious Right and critique those views on the basis of their own claims. They suggest an alternative conceptualization of the Religious Right, one that rejects the rational/irrational dichotomy of the prevailing views. They argue that the imperatives of the Religious Right are guaranteed by the prevailing ideology of the Christian, liberal state. The authors contend that counteracting the Religious Right requires a recognition of this prevailing ideology and the discursive practices that maintain it.

The Religious Right and Public Education: The Paranoid Politics of Homophobia 
Catherine A. Lugg 
With the political rise of the U.S. Religious Right, public educators, administrators, and policy makers have faced numerous charges that public schools promote homosexuality. These charges have been made regardless of the actual content of various programs and curricula. Nevertheless, the typically incendiary charges seem an effective political tool in derailing and/or reshaping educational reform and program offerings. Drawing upon the methodologies of social historiography and historical policy analysis, this author examines the use of strategic homophobia by the Religious Right in their quest to "take back America,"concluding with a general discussion of homophobia, paranoid politics, and implications for educational policy makers and public school personnel. - epx.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/3/267

Curriculum Challenge from the Religious Right 
The Impressions Reading Series 
Louise Adler, California State University, Fullerton 
Kip Tellez, University of Houston 
The Impressions reading series, which was marketed as a "whole language" program in California, was challenged by parents who charged that it promoted disrespect for parents, satanism, and witchcraft. Case study analysis of the challenges in 22 school districts revealed that the challenges clustered around specific geographic locations and time periods illustrating the political mobilization of religious right groups. Organized teacher support was found to be important in maintaining use of the series, and some teachers perceived the challenges as a test of their professional judgment. Most of the districts where the series was challenged continue to use at least parts of the series. However, the challenges to Impressions were more likely to result in removal of the books than were other challenges in California. The Impressions challenges were found to represent a watershed in the history of textbook adoption. - uex.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/27/2/152

The Religious Right in the State of Israel 
ARTHUR HERTZBERG 
The modern Jewish quest for a homeland arose in the nineteenth century in Europe. From the beginning there was tension between a secular nationalism and a more religiously based one. Religious fundamentalism is a political factor today in Israel, as elsewhere in the Middle East. Governments in this region would best avoid their overthrow at the hands of religious fundamentalists by working together. - ann.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/483/1/84

On the Prospect of Linking Religious-Right Identification with Political Behavior: Panacea or Snipe Hunt? 
M. V. Hood III & Mark Caleb Smith 
Although it is a popular topic, the religious right is understudied in two areas. First, scholars have not developed an agreed-upon profile of religious-right adherents at the individual level. Second, little is known about how religious-right status functions as a predictor of political behavior. There is a possibility that religious-right status functions similarly to party identification, as an indicator that is both related to a wide range of variables and capable of functioning independently of those variables as a predictor of political behavior. Using multivariate statistical techniques we analyze survey data that allows respondents to self-identify as members of the religious right. We find that religious-right identifiers are social and theological conservatives who demonstrate high levels of religious commitment. However, they are neither monolithically Republican nor ideologically conservative. Religious-right status does have cross-cutting characteristics, for it is fluid across partisan, ideological, and denominational lines. This status is not, however, politically distinguishing as whatever impact it has on political behavior is apparently subsumed by traditional political variables. - blackwell-synergy.com

Identity Politics and the Religious Right: Hiding Hate in the Landscape 
Carolyn Gallaher 
Identity theory has had important theoretical implications for analysis of political action, but has tended mostly to examine identity formation and political action on the left. Any theory concerned with eradicating oppression must also analyze identity formation and political action of groups on the right whose politics are often based on exclusion and hate. Thus the empirical part of this paper focuses on the religious right, specifically Liberty University, in Lynchburg, Virginia. The potency of the religious right lies in an identity politics which simultaneously asserts that fundamentalists are essentially different from those "of the world" but should nonetheless equate themselves politically with economic conservatives. This allows Liberty to borrow freely from the symbols and trappings of economic conservatism while blurring the hate and antagonistic othering inherent in essentialist notions of fundamentalist identity. - blackwell-synergy.com

The Passion of the Right: Religious Fundamentalism and the Crisis of Democracy 
Henry A. Giroux, McMaster University 
This article argues that under the presidency of George Bush, the Republican Party has increasingly become an extension of the religious right. One consequence is a rampant anti-intellectualism coupled with Taliban-like moralism now boldly translates into everyday cultural practices and political policies as right-wing evangelicals live out their messianic view of the world. Democratic politics and secular humanism are being replaced by a "Rapture" politics in which certainty, moralism, and absolutism drive an attack on science in the name of faith by endorsing Creationism over the teaching of evolution, wage an unrelenting war against gay rights and women’s reproductive rights, and use an appeal to the "culture of life" to support pharmacists who refuse to fill prescriptions for contraception on religious grounds. The attack on religious freedom and secular thought reproduces a debilitating anti-intellectualism throughout the culture and also threatens the separation of church and state, religious freedom, social justice, and democracy. The rise of religious fundamentalism has become one of the great problems facing the United States in the 21st century. The article calls for a cultural politics that defends religious freedom and the values of secular humanism as part of a defense of an inclusive democracy. The article concludes by calling for educators, parents, artists, and others reject the highly political and sectarian uses to which religion is being put by reclaiming those democratic values in which religious freedom rejects the use of religion as a political sectarian tool of the extreme right.

 

 

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